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33  WEST  MAIN  STREET 

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empreinte. 


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shall  contain  the  symbol  -^  (meaning  "CON- 
TINUED"), or  the  symbol  V  (meaning   "END  "), 
whichever  applies. 


Un  des  symboles  suivants  apparaUra  sur  la 
dernidre  image  de  cheque  microfiche,  seion  le 
cas:  le  symbole  — ^  signifie  "A  SUiVRE",  le 
symbole  V  signifie  "FIN". 


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beginning  in  the  upper  left  hand  corner,  left  to 
right  and  top  to  bottom,  as  many  frames  as 
required.  The  following  diagrams  illustrate  the 
method: 


Les  cartes,  planches,  tableaux,  etc.,  peuvent  dtre 
filmis  d  des  taux  de  reduction  diffirents. 
Lorsque  le  document  est  trop  grand  pour  dtre 
reproduit  en  un  seul  cliche,  il  est  film6  A  partir 
de  Tangle  supdrieur  gauche,  de  gauche  A  droite, 
et  de  haut  en  bas,  en  prenant  le  nombre 
d'images  nicessaire.  Les  diagrammes  suivants 
illustrent  la  mithode. 


1 

2 

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1 

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-  Af 


T? 


Pacific  N.W.  History  Dept 

PROVINCIAL.  LIBRARY 
VICTORIA,  B.  e. 


■'W  ':] 


J 


SPEECH 


OP 


WILLIAM  W.  CAMPBELL,  OF  N.  Y. 


ON  THE  BILL  FOR  RAISING  A 


MGIMENT  OP  MOUNTED  EIFLEMEN, 


DELIVERED  IK 


THE  HOUSE  OF  REPRESENTATIVES  OF  THE  U.  STATES,  APRIL  8,  1846. 


r       i 


,      WASHINGTON: 

PRINTED  BY  J.  lb  O.  B.. GIDEON. 
1846,  ■" 


.* .       C. 


I  \ 


-<w* 


SPEECH 


The  House  being  in  Committee  of  the  Whole  on  the  state  of  the  Union  on  the  Bill  providin* 
for  the  raising  of  a  regiment  of  Mounted  Riflemen  to  protect  the  emigrants  on  the  route  to  Ore- 
gon, and  an  amendment  having  been  offered,  providing  that  the  officers  and  soldiers  of  such  regi- 
ment should  be  American  born  citizens — 

Mr.  CAMPBELL  having  the  floor,  observed- 
Mr.  Chairman:  I  am  pleased  to  learn  from  the  gentleman  who  has  just 
taken  his  seat  (Mr.  Yell,  of  Arkansas,)  that  he  is,  in  part,  a  good  Native 
American.  He  says,  and  I  think  truly,  that,  to  render  this  regiment  ef- 
fective, it  should  be  composed  of  men  who  are  capable  of  discharging  the 
peculiar  duties  required  of  them — of  men  who  are  skilled  in  riding  on 
horseback — who  can  fell  a  tree  and  build  a  picquet  fort — who  can  hunt  the 
Indian  or  the  buffalo  in  the  wild  prairies  of  the  West.  For  such  a  service 
there  can  be  no  doubt  but  our  own  native  born  citizens,  and  especially  our 
hardy  pioneers  and  borderers,  are  most  eminently  fitted.  And  now,  sir, 
that  this  amendment,  which  was  offered  by  my  friend  from  Philadelphia, 
(Mr.  Levin,)  heis  brought  the  subject  of  an  alteration  of  the  naturalization 
laws  indirectly  before  the  Hou.  j,  I  propose  to  devote  the  time  allotted  to  me 
to  a  brief  consideration  of  this  most  interesting  question. 

When  the  Massachusetts  resolutions  were  presented,  early  in  the  session, 
I  desired  to  address  the  House, but  others  more  favored — I  mean  physically 
favored,  of  course — and  equally  desirous  of  being  heard, gained  precedence, 
and  stepped  down  into  the  troubled  waters  of  the  pool  of  Bethesda  before  me. 
I  do  not  propose  to  discuss  the  question  of  the  power  of  Congress  to  regu- 
late the  elective  franchise  in  the  separate  States.  This  has  been  ably  done 
by  my  friend  from  Philadelphia.  I  may  be  permitted  to  add ,  however,  that 
the  power  of  admitting  to  virtual  citizenship,  assumed  by  the  States  of  Michi- 
gan and  Illinois,  seems  to  me  to  be  a  plain  violation  of  the  spirit,  if  not  of  the 
letter,  of  the  Constitution.  In  the  debate  on  the  Massachusetts  resolutions 
we  were  told  that  we  must  go  to  the  different  States  if  we  wished  to  regu- 
late the  right  of  suffrage,  and  that  Congress  luls  no  power  over  the  subject. 
The  Constitution  of  the  United  States  vests  in  Congress  the  power  to  pass 
tmiform  laws  for  the  naturalization  of  men  born  in  other  lands.  As  the 
right  of  suffrage  has  been  considered.as  of  great  moment  ever  since  the  founda- 
tion of  the  Government,  and  as  one  of  the  highest  attributes  of  a  freeman, 
!S0  it  has  almost  universally  been  deemed  to  belong  to  a  citizen  alone.     It 

100266 


remained  for  the  Slates  which  I  have  mentioned  to  break  down  this  barrier 
wliich  our  fathers  erected  for  the  preservation  of  the  ballot  box  in  its  purity 
— to  assert  the  doctrine  that  the  States  alone,  having  the  power  of  determining^ 
the  qualifications  of  electors,  can  admit  aliens  as  well  as  citizens  to  the  full 
exercise  of  the  great  right  of  freemen — the  right  of  suffrage.  I  do  not,  sir, 
believe  in  the  doctrine.  I  consider  it  as  among  those  heresies  which,  one  by 
one,  are  engrafted  upon  political  creeds,  and  which  are  destroying  the  vitality 
of  the  Constitution.  The  State  of  New  York  was  referred  to,  and  we  were 
told  that  we  must  regulate  the  privileges  of  naturalized  foreigners  in  the  conven- 
tion which  will  assemble  during  the  coming  summer.  I  trust  we  shall  do 
so,  and  that  a  provision  will  be  inserted  in  the  new  constitution  withholdings 
from  all  persons  who  shall  hereafter  be  naturalized  the  right  of  voting  until 
at  least  one  year  after  they  shall  have  been  admitted  to  citizenship.  This 
would  strike  a  sure  blow  at  political  naturalization — would  put  an  end  to 
the  corrupt  and  corrupting  influences  and  practices  which  immediately  pre- 
cede almost  every  general  election,  and  which  are  oftentimes  a  disgrace 
even  to  the  courts  before  whom  the  formal  ceremony  takes  place.  But,  sir, 
of  whatever  political  sins  the  State  of  New  York  may  have  been  guilty,  it 
may  be  said  of  her  that  she  has  always  adhered  faithfully  to  the  Constitu- 
tion of  the  Union,  in  its  letter  and  its  spirit.  The  first  constitution  of  that 
noble  State  which  1  in  part  represent,  and  of  which  I  glory  in  being  a  na- 
ive-born citizen,  provided  that  the  legislature  of  the  State  should  have  the 
power  of  passing  uniform  laws  for  naturaUzing  persons  of  foreign  birth. 
That  constitution  was  ushered  into  being  in  1777,  during  the  most  trying 
and  eventful  year  of  the  Revolution.  It  was  framed  by  a  body  of  patriotic 
men,  who  were  driven  before  the  enemy  from  place  to  place,  and  who 
literally  accomplished  their  work  by  the  light  of  their  burning  dwellings,  and 
amid  the  smoke  and  the  roar  of  the  enemy's  cannon.  But  though  such  a 
prevision  existed  in  the  constitution,  authorizing  the  legislature  to  pass  gen- 
eral laws  for  naturalization, no  such  laws  were  ever  passed,  from  1777  down 
to  1789,  when  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States  went  in<o  operation, 
and  took  from  the  States  the  power  to  admit  to  citizenship.  And,  during 
that  period  of  twelve  years,  but  one  special  law  was  passed,  naturalizing 
about  one  hundred  persons  byname.  That  was  all  New  Yoiic  ever  did. 
Our  fathers,  when  they  had  the  power,  by  State  legislation,  to  open  wide 
the  door  of  citizenship,  did  not  think  it  wise  so  to  do.  They  had  passed 
through  a  severe  struggle,  and,  with  a' great  price,  had  purchased  their 
American  birthright.  And,  though  the  land  wanted  occupants,  though 
population  was  sparse,  and  the  character  of  the  immigrant  nopulation  was 


6 


f 


geneffiUy  unexceptionable,  they  did  not  choose  to  make  American  citizen- 
jship  too  cheap. 

But  there  was  a  further  provision  in  that  constitution  which  required  that 
all  citizens  of  the  State,  before  they  could  cast  their  suffrages,  should  pos- 
sess a  property  qwalification.  In  order  to  vote  for  the  higiier  officers  of  the 
State,  a  freehold  estate  of  the  value  of  two  hundred  and  fifty  dollars  was 
required.  I  do  not  mean  (o  discuss  the  question  whether  such  a  provision 
■was  wise  or  not.  I  merely  state  the  fact.  This  constitution  remained  in 
force  down  to  1822,  when  a  new  constitution  was  adopted.  This  new  con- 
stitution provided  that  the  elector  should  have  done  jury  duty,  or  military 
duty,  or  worked  upon  the  highway,  during  the  year  prececiiiig  that  in  which 
he  proposed  to  vote.  An  amendment  to  that  constitution  was  adopted  short- 
ly afterwards,  which  dispensed  with  these  qualifications,  and  under  which 
every  white  male  citizen  of  the  United  States,  of  the  afe  of  twenty-one 
years,  and  who  had  been  a  resident  one  year  in  the  State,  casts  his  vote  for 
all  elective  officers  of  the  State  and  General  Governments. 

So  much  for  the  State  of  New  York.  The  history  of  that  State  is  the 
history  of  most  of  the  States  of  the  Union.  And  now,  let  us  see  how  this 
change  of  qualifications  has  operated  upon  the  native  and  adopted  citizen. 
It  may,  at  first  glance,  seem  a  strange  assertion, but  it  is  nevertheless  true, 
that  the  effi3ct  in  part  has  been  to  give  to  the  alien  u  decided  advantage  over 
the  native  citizen — in  other  words,  to  constitute  the  alien  inhabitant  virtually 
a  member  of  a  privileged  class  of  society.  A  foreigner  arrives  upon  our 
shores.  He  intends  to  become  a  citizen,  and  declares  his  intention.  He 
remains  five  years.  He  is  not  required  to  do  jury  duty  or  military  duty — 
at  least,  such  is  the  law  in  New  York.  He  pays  a  tax  ordy  in  the  event  of 
his  having  property  which  can  be  assessed.  He  may, soon  after  his  arrival, 
have  entered  the  alms-house  and  have  been  a  public  charge.  At  the  expi- 
ration of  the  five  years  a  general  or  important  election  is  at  hand,  and  the 
*  alien, upon  whom  none  of  the  burthens  of  citizenship  has  ever  rested,  goes 
to  the  court — is  naturalized — goes  from  the  court  to  the  ballot-box,  and  de- 
posits his  vote.  By  his  side  stands  a  young  man — a  native-born  citizen, 
just  arrived  at  his  majority — and  who  is  also  about  to  cast  his  first  vote.  For 
three  years  preceding,  the  burthens  of  citizenship  have  been  borne  by  this 
young  man.  He  has  been  obliged  to  conform  to  all  the  provisions  of  the 
military  law.  He  may  have  been  compelled  to  shoulder  his  musket,  and 
to  go  forth  to  the  tented  field.  When  he  arrived  at  the  age  of  eighteen 
years,  the  question  was  not  asked,  whether  he  intended  to  become  a  citizen, 
and  whether  he  intended  to  vote  when  he  arrived  at  the  age  of  twenty-one 


years.  No;  the  law  of  the  land  made  him  a  citizen,  and  imposed  the 
burthens  of  citizenship  upon  him,  because  he  had  been  born  upon  the 
soil.  When  he  arrives  at  the  age  of  twenty-one  years  a  new  duty  de- 
volves upon  him,  and  for  the  same  reason — the  duty  of  a  juror — a  duty 
necessary  and  responsible,  but  oftentimes  burthensome.  The  alien  re- 
mains, as  long  as  he  pleases,  free  from  these  duties  and  burthens,  and  is 
liable  only  after  he  shall  elect.,  and  shall  have  exercised  the  rights  of  citi- 
zenship.    This  is  not  equal  and  exact  justice. 

In  the  course  of  the  previous  debate,  the  Declaration  of  Independence 
was  alluded  to,  and  the  gentleman  from  New  York,  (Mr.  Grover,)  said, 
exultingly,  ihat  George  the  Third  was  the  first  Native  American,  because, 
in  the  language  of  that  memorable  instrument,  he  had  obstructed  the  law3 
of  naturalization  of  foreigners.  Has  that  gentleman  ever  examined  the 
writings  of  the  distinguished  author  of  that  declaration?  Does  he  not  know 
that  Mr.  Jefferson  was  not  only  an  early  but  most  zealous  Native  American? 
I  will  read  for  his  edification  certain  passages  from  his  Notes  on  Virginia, 
a  work  written  just  at  the  close  of  the  Revolution,  and  prepared  with  care, 
in  which  the  great  founder  of  the  Democratic  party  gives  hia  advice  to  the 
people  of  his  native  State.  The  part  which  I  shall  read  may  be  considered 
as  acommentary  upon  the  part  of  the  Declaration  of  Indeperidence  referred  to. 
And  while  I  am  reading  it,  I  would  ask  also  the  careful  attention  of  the 
distinguished  representative  (Mr.  Dromgoole)  who  addressed  the  commit- 
tee yesterday  on  this  subject,  and  also  all  of  his  colleagues  from  the  Old  Do*' 
minion: 

"  Here  I  will  beg  leave  to  propose  a  doubt.  The  present  desire  of  America 
is  to  produce  rapid  population,  by  as  great  importation  of  foreigners  as  possible* 
But  is  this  founded  in  good  policy  ?" 

Again : 

"  Civil  government  being  the  sole  object  of  forming  .societies,  its  administra- 
tion must  be  conducted  by  common  consent.  Every  species  of  government 
has  its  specific  principles.  Ours,  perhaps,  are  more  peculiar  than  those  of  any  . 
other  in  the  universe.  It  is  a  composition  of  the  freest  principles  of  the  English 
Constitution,  with  others  derived  from  natural  right  and  natural  reason.  To 
these  nothing  can  be  more  opposed  than  the  maxims  of  absolate  monarchies.  Yet 
from  such  we  are  to  expect  the  greatest  number  of  emigrants.  They  will  bring 
with  them  the  principles  of  the  governments  they  leave,  imbibed  in  their  early 
youth  ;  or,  if  able  to  throw  them  off,  it  will  be  in  exchange  for  an  unbounded  li- 
centiousness, passing,  as  is  usual,  from  one  extreme  to  another.    It  would  be  a 


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because, 
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miracle,  were  they  to  stop  precisely  at  the  point  of  temperate  liberty.  These 
principles,  with  their  language,  they  will  transmit  to  their  children.  In  propor- 
tion to  their  nvmbers,  they  will  share  with  its  the  legislation.  They  will  in- 
fuse into  it  their  spirit,  warp  and  bias  its  directions,  and  render  it  a  hetero- 
geneous, incoherent,  distracted  mass.  I  may  appeal  to  experience  during  the 
present  contest  for  a  verification  of  these  conjectures,'^  Src. 

Thus  the  experience  of  the  war  of  the  Revolution  had  satisfied  Mr.  Jeffer- 
son that  it  might  be  wise  to  obstruct  laws  for  the  naturalization  of  men  born 
beyond  the  seas.     His  opinion  was  that — 

"  Ccelum  non  animum  mutant,  qui  trans  mare  currunt." 
They  change  their  sky,  but  not  their  mind,  who  pass  beyond  the  sea. 

That  far-seeing  and  able  statesman,  in  his  moments  of  cool  reflection, 
while  looking  forward  and  shadowing  forth  the  career  of  his  own  beloved 
Virginia,  has  drawn  a  picture  true  lo  the  life,  grouped  and  colored  by  his 
own  masterly  hand . 

I  know  very  well,  sir,  that  afterwards,  Avhen  Mr.  Jefferson  came  into  the 
Presidency,  that  he  recommended  that  the  term  of  residence  required  before 
admitting  to  citizenship  should  be  abridged.  The  alien  and  sedition  laws, 
passed  during  the  previous  administration,  had  rendered  that  administration 
unpopular.  The  opposition  to  these  laws  had  proceeded  chiefly  from  those 
who  sympathized  in  the  movements  of  France.  And  Mr.  Jefferson,  in  his 
first  annual  message,  asks  the  startling  question,  ''shall  oppressed  humanity 
find  no  asylum  on  this  globe?"  I  would  have  answered  that  question  then 
as  I  would  answer  it  now.  Yes;  oppressed  humanity  shall  find  a  home  and 
refuge  here  in  our  own  free  land.  God  forbid  that  this  land  should  ever 
become  other  than  our  fathers  designed  it  to  be,  the  home  and  the  refuge  of 
the  exile  and  the  oppressed,  come  from  what  old  and  despotic  government 
of  Europe  or  the  world  he  may.  The  wings  of  the  American  eagle  shall 
cover  and  protect  him;  but  we  should  see  to  it  that  in  doing  so  the  object  of 
our  love  and  sympathy  shall  not  destroy  the  vitals  of  the  noble  bird.  This 
protection  and  care  of  the  poor  and  the  oppressed  we  owe  to  the  world  and 
our  mission ,  only  when  it  does  not  interfere  with  the  care  and  protection 
due  from  the  Government  to  great  masses  of  our  own  people.  When  there 
shall  come  collisions  of  interest  between  him  who  seeks  a  home  here  from 
abroad,  and  h.m  who  was  born  upon  the  soil,  I  shall  be  on  the  side  of  my 
own  kith  and  kin;  on  the  side  of  those  who  have  inherited  with  me  our  in- 
stitutions and  our  privileges,  from  an  ancestry  who  obtained  them  with  their 
blood;  and  handed  them  over  to  us  as  a  precious  legacy. 


i8 


m 


I  have  observed  that  Mr.  Jefferson  recommended  a  modification  of  the 
naturalization  laws  when  he  came  into  power  in  1801.     But  let  us  com- 
pare the  state  of  things  as  they  then  existed  with  the  present.     Of  the  thir- 
teen original  States,  most  of  them  required  by  their  constitutions  property  qual- 
ifications of  their  voters.     In  some  of  the  States  the  amount  was  considera- 
ble, and  in  Mr.  Jefferson's  own  State  of  Virginia,  the  elector  was  required 
to  own  a  farm  of  at  least  forty  acres.     The  resident  of  a  city,  who  might 
own  and  occupy  a  stately  house,  could  not  vote  unless  he  was  possessed  also 
of  a  farm .     How  stood  the  case  then  ?    He  who  had  remained  five  years 
in  the  country,  and  complied  with  the  requirements  of  the  law,  still  could 
not  vote  unless  he  had  become  the  owner  also  of  a  suflficient  freehold.     If, 
sir,  you  will  for  a  moment  consider  the  character  of  the  great  portion  of  the 
immigrant  population  to  this  country  during  the  latter  part  of  the  last,  and 
the  earlier  part  of  the  present  century,  composed  as  it  was  of  the  Luthe- 
rans of  Germany,  the  Huguenots  of  France  and  Switzerland,  and  the  Pres- 
byterians, Methodists,  Baptists,  and  Eniscopalians  of  Scotland,  England, 
and  Ireland,  with  some  noble  republican  patriots  of  other  creeds,  many  of 
them  persons  of  education  and  influence  ;  and  then  further  consider,  that 
^, after  a  residence  of  five  years,  they  were  required  to  possess  a  freehold  be- 
^fore  voting,  I  think  it  would  be  safe  to  state  that  the  restrictions  upon  suf- 
_  frage  were  greater  or  more  conservative  under  the  law  passed  during  Mr. 
Jefferson's  administration,  than  they  would  be  now,  if  a  residence  of  twen- 
ty-one years  was  required . 

My  colleague  (Mr.  Wood)  asks  me  whether  any  foreigner  of  mature  age 
■would  not  be  as  well  qualified  for  American  citizenship  after  a  residence  of 
five  years,  as  after  a  residence  of  twenty-one  years  ?  I  answer — no,  certainly 
not.  But  a  small  portion  of  the  immigrant  population  can  in  that  period 
of  five  years  make  themselves  acquainted  as  they  ought  with  the  great  in- 
terests of  the  country,  so  as  to  be  able  to  vote  intelligently. 

And  now  I  have  a  word  to  say  to  the  Judiciary  C©mmittee,and  especial- 
;ly  to  its  chairman,  (Mr.  Rathbun,)  my  colleague  from  the  State  of  New 
York.  He  seems  to  think  that  our  present  laws  of  naturahzation  require 
no  modification .  I  doubt  whether  he  has  read  the  voluminous  report  of  the 
committee  of  the  Senate; for  i  am  sure  if  he  had,  he  could  not  have  grave- 
ly argued  that  no  reform  was  needed.  Let  me  read  for  his  information, 
and  that  of  the  Cor.imittee  oh  the  Judiciary,  one  or  two  depositions  taken 
under  the  commissions  issued  by  the  committee  of  the  Senate  :  ' 


i 


Mk 


t 


•11  of  the 
us  com- 
the  ihir- 
jrty  qual- 
oiisidera- 
!  required 
ho  might 
jssed  also 
ive  years 
itill  could 
lold.  If, 
on  of  the 
last,  aitd 
le  Luthe- 
ihe  Pres- 
England, 
,  many  of 
ider,  that 
ehold  be- 
upon  suf- 
Liring  Mr. 
of  twen- 

ature  age 
jidence  of 
,  certainly 
lat  period 
\  great  in- 

1  especial- 
j  of  New 
>n  require 
)ort  of  the 
ive  grave- 
ormation, 
QQs  taken 


** Southern  district  of  New  York : 

"George  Henry  Paulsen,  aged  52  years,  agent,  residing  in  the  city  of  New 
York,  bein^  duly  sworn  fully  and  truly  to  answer  the  several  interrogatories 
which  shall  be  put  to  him  by  the  said  commissionjrs,  and  in  such  answers  to  tell 
the  truth,  the  whole  truth,  and  nothing  but  tlie  trutli — 
"To  the  first  interrogatory  annexed  to  said  commission,  he  answereth  thus: : 
"I  have  frequently  been  present  as  an  interpreter  daring  the  process  of  natural- 
ization; that  the  instances  of  persons  applying  to  be  naturalized  who  are 
wholly  ignorant  of  the  English  language  are  frequent;  and  though  they  un- 
derstood the  terms  of  the  oath  when  translated  to  thtm  in  words,  yet  they 
were  frequently  unable  to  comprehend  the  meaning  of  said  oath;  and  that 
there  are  now  hundreds  of  Germans,  who  have  been  admitted  citizens,  who  do 
not  noio  understand  the  English  language,  or  the  meaning  of  the  oaths  to 
which  they  have  been  sivorn;  and  as  to  the  principles  of  the  Constitution  of 
the  United  States,  they  have  no  knoivledge  ^.i  comprehension  of  them.   Many 
of  them  are  aged  persons  without  any  ed^  cation,  and  loho  are  naturalized  at 
the  solicitation  of  others,  and  unthout  any  dcdre  cf  their  oion,  merely  to  he- 
con  e  the  tools  of  political  parties.     I  have  beer'  present, 'and  been  asked  to  in- 
terpret the  oaths,  and  my  interpretation  has  been  received  without  my  having 
been  previously  sworn. 
•'To  the  second  interrogatory  annexed  to  said  commission,  he  answers: 
"That  he  has  no  personal  knowledge  of  such  instances,  but  has  heard  of  many, 
and  believes  them  to  be  frequent.     It  is  a  general  practice  to  advertise  in  a  Ger- 
man paper  in  this  city,  that  all  Germans  wishing  to  be  naturalized  should  apply 
to  ihe  German  committee  at  Tammany  Hall,  wher^  they  will  receive  their  natu- 
ralizations gratis.     I  am  well  informed  that  it  is  the  practice,  previous  to  elec- 
tions, for  persons,  employed  for  that  purpose  by  Tammany  Hall,  to  call  on  the 
'Germans  and  to  persuade  them  to  be  naturalized ;  and  I  have  learned,  in  their 
general  conversation,  that  it  is  often  the  case,  the  certificates  of  naturalization 
are  kept  by  said  committee  until  the  day  of  election,  when  they  are  handed  to 
the  parties,  to  be  presented  by  them  at  the  polls — they  being  accompanied  there- 
to by  some  one  of  the  said  committee. 

"Question.. At  the  times  such  votes  are  given,  have  the  parties  voting  atiy 
knowledge  of  the  principles  or  policy  of  the  party  in  whose  favor  they  deposite 
their  ballots  ? 

"Answer.  They  have  not ;  they  are  led  by  the  word  democrat.  I  do  not  take 
any  part  myself  in  politics,  but  ray  knowledge  of  these  facts  is  chiefly  derived 
from  being  agent  of  the  German  Emigrant  Society.  I  formerly  conducted  a  Ger- 
man paper  in  this  city. 


10 


•'To  the  fifth  interrogatory  annexed  to  said  commission,  he  answers  thus: 

"I  know  of  many  instances  where  convicts  have  been  pardoned  and  sent  to 
this  country  at  the  expense  of  the  Government  by  which  they  were  pardoned. 
Ten  or  twelve  such  cases  have  come  to  my  knowledge;  and  I  know  a  case  where 
four  on  board  of  one  vessel  were  sent  from  a  house  of  correction,  in  the  dukedom 
of  Brunswick.  These  I  know  of  my  own  personal  knowledge,  having  seen  an 
endorsement  on  the  passports,  that  the  persons  were  convicts,  transported  by  a 
guard  from  station  to  station  to  the  frontier,  where  they  are  taken  by  an  agent  of 
the  ship  from  the  police  officer  to  the  vessel  in  which  they  are  embarked.  The 
instances  which  came  to  my  knowledge  occurred  within  the  last  three  years  ;  a 
large  number  of  the  Germans,  arriving  here  soon  after,  became  chargeable  for 
their  support  to  the  city  or  to  their  bondsmen.  Such  instances  we  have  very 
frequently ;  they  call  on  me  for  aid  immediately.  There  are  also  very  numerous 
instances  of  foreign  paupers,  sometimes  from  the  poor-houses,  in  other  instances 
supported  by  the  communes,  being  shipped  to  this  port.  This  importation  of 
paupers  has  increased  very  much  during  the  last  year;  they  are  sent  here  to  save 
the  expense  of  supporting  them  in  Europe,  by  the  public  authorities,  at  the  pub. 
lie  expense  ;  some  of  these  persons,  frequently  owing  to  their  having  been  bond- 
ed, are  not  received  in  the  alms-houses ;  and,  not  being  aided  by  their  bondsmen* 
very  often  become  street  beggars. 

"To  the  third  and  fourth  interrogatories  annexed  to  said  commission,  he  an- 
swers: ,  .,■  I  •  ■•-'  ■■'■    '■'  - 

*'I  know  of  no  such  instances.  "'.,•>>' 

"To  the  sixth  interrogatory  annexed  to  said  commission,  he  answers: 

"I  know  of  no  other  facts  pertinent  to  the  subject. 

"GEORGE  HENRY  PAULSEN. 

"January  29,  1845. 

"Examination  reduced  to  writing  in  presence  of  the  witness,  and  by  him  sub- 
scribed and  sworn  to  before  the  commissioners,  on  the  29th  of  January,  1845,"' 

What  a  picture  does  the  foregoing  deposition  present.  In  view  of  it,  can 
the  Committee  on  the  Judiciary  say,  our  naturalization  laws  need  no  reform? 
Sir,  there  can  be  no  mistake  in  this  matter.  Let  me  read  again.  I  call 
the  attentioa  of  the  committee  to  the  examination  of  Henry  E.  Riell,  a 
member  of  the  General  Committee  of  Tammany  Hall,  and  who  testifies, 
that,  for  many  years,  he  was  actively  engaged  as  such  member  in  making 
out  naturalization  papers.  The  members  of  the  Democratic  party  in  this 
House  will  certainly  not  question  this  testimony: 

Question.  Has  it  been  usual  to  advertise  for  the  attendance  of  aliens  at  tha 
place,  of  persons  desirous  of  being  naturalized  ? 


i 


11 


thus: 
and  sent  to 

pardoned, 
case  where 
e  dukedom 
ng  seen  an 
)orted  by  a 
an  agent  of 
ked.     The 
e  years ;  a 
irgeable  for 
have  very 
r  numerous 
!r  instances 
)ortation  of 
lere  to  save 
at  the  pub. 
been  bond- 
bondsmen' 

3ion,  he  an- 


rs: 

JLSEN. 

y  him  sub- 
ry,  1845."' 

of  it,  can 
10  reform  ? 
1.  I  call 
il.  Riell,  a 
o  testifies^ 
in  making 
rty  in  this 

lens  at  tha 


Answer.  I  believe  it  has  been  customary  pretty  generally  to  advertise  merely 
that  the'naturalization  committee  was  in  session.  In  1840,1  think,  I  published, 
for  some  two  or  three  months  previous  to  the  election,  a  brief  exposition  of  the 
laws,  that  applicants  might  know  what  qualifications  were  necessary.  At  each 
election  it  has  bee  n  customary  for  many  hundreds  to  apply  from  the  counties 
adjoining  this,  principally  owing  to  the  witnesses  residing  in  this  county,  or  the 
respective  courts  where  the  applicant  resided  being  closed. 

Question.  Have  you  known  instances  of  persons  attending  here  from  other 
States  ? 

Answer.  I  remember  one  young  man  from  New  Jersey,  who  was  naturalized 
by  Judge  Betts,  of  the  United  States  court.  He  had  resided  in  this  State  one 
year,  but  not  the  last  year  preceding  his  admission.  I  remember  no  other  in- 
stance. 

Question.  Has  it  been  usual  for  said  committee  to  issue  tickets  or  vouchers,, 
intended  to  answer  as  payment  of  the  fees  in  any  court  ? 

Answer.  Yes,  it  was.     I  redeemed  the  tickets. 

Question.  How  large  a  proportion  of  the  naturalizations  effected  through  the 
agency  of  said  committee  were  gratuitous  ? 

Answer.  A  large  proportion,  as  the  applicants  were  generally  very  poor  peo- 
ple ;  as  those  who  wished  to  pay  for  themselves  generally  applied  at  the  courts. 

Question.  About  what  number  were  thus  paid  for  or  naturalized  on  such  tick- 
ets at  the  last  election,  or  shortly  previous  ? 

Answer.  I  should  suppose  the  General  Committee  naturalized  from  twelve  to- 
fifteen  hundred  persons  for  the  last  election. 

Question.  About  what  number  were  thus  naturalized  at  the  spring  electioD^ 
1844  f 

Answer.  I  believe  about  thirteen  hundred.  I  ascertained  this  number  frora 
the  clerks  of  the  courts. 

Question.  About  what  number  were  thus  naturalized  at  the  spring  election  of 
1843,  or  at  any  election  previous  thereto  ? 

Answer.  I  believe  about  the  usual  .mtnbcr  naturalized  at  the  spring  and  fall 
elections,  with  the  exception  of  the  Presidential  election,  1840,  would  average 
about  one  thousand  at  each  election ;  and  on  that  occasion  I  was  engaged  some 
four  or  five  months  in  making  out  the  preliminary  papers,  and,  to  the  best  of  my 
remembrance,  about  three  thousand  were  naturalized  during  the  period  of  five- 
months.  I  paid  several  hundred  dollars  myself  towards  defraying  these  expenses 
on  that  occasion. 

Thus  it  will  be  seen  that  in  1844  nearly  three  thousand  persons  were 
naturalized  by  this  sub-committee  of  Tammany  Hall,  and  the  fees  paid 
out  of  monies  of  individual  members, and  of  funds  of  a  political  party. 


m 


■I' t 


li'    y 


Vl 


l'''i 


fi 


H 


III  that  year  some  five  thousand  persons  were  naturalized  in  the  city  of 
New  York — a  number  sufficient  to  determine  the  election  of  the  State  of 
New  York;  and  thus,  by  the  electoral  vote  of  that  great  State,  control  the 
political  destinies  of  the  Union .     Well  may  the  g^entleman  from  that  State 
(Mr.  Grover)  boast,  as  he  did  on  this  floor  on  a  former  occasion,  that 
with  the  foreign  vote  his  political  friends  secured  a  great  poHtical  victory. 
I  call  the  attention  of  every  well  wisher  to  his  country  to  this  astounding 
fact.     The  evils  of  which  we  complain  are  not  local.     They  affect  directly 
the  well-being  of  every  man  in  this  broad  Union,  let  him  belong  to  which 
of  the  great  political  parties  he  may.     When  I  spoke,  a  few  moments 
since,  of  the  exemption  of  aliens  from  the  burthens  of  citizenship,  I  was 
asked  by  my  colleague  (Mr.  Rathbun)  if  he  did  not  pay  taxes.  I  answered — 
yes,  if  he  possessed  property  which  could  be  assessed.     I  now  call  the  at- 
tention of  that  gentleman  to  the  depositio^^  of  his  political  friend  (Mr.  Riell.) 
He  avers  that  the  fees  of  naturalization  of  nearly  three  thousand  persons, 
naturalized  by  his  procurement  in  a  single  year,  were  paid  by  him  because 
the  applicants  were  too  poor  to  pay  for  themselves  ;  and  yet  it  appears,  from 
testimony  of  the  clerks  of  the  courts  in  New  York  State,  the  fees  of  natu- 
ralization in  some  of  the  courts  were  less  than  one  dollar  for  each  individ- 
ual.    And  now  let  me  not  be  misunderstood.     Poverty  is  no  crime.     Far 
be  it  from  me  to  impute  it  to  any  man  as  a  reproach.      But  it  does  never- 
theless seem  very  strange  that  three  thousand  men  should  have  been  resi- 
dents of  that  section  of  the  country  for  a  period  of  five  years,  and  yet  be  so 
deficient  in  this  world's  goods  as  to  be  unable  to  ^  ny  one  dollar  to  enable 
them  to  enter  the  great  family  of  American  citizens      They  must  certainly 
be  very  deficient  in  that  thrift  which  so  eminently  chi.  acterizes  the  lative 
born  American.     It  is  notorious,  sir,  that  many  of  the  immigrants  arrive  up- 
on our  shores  in  very  destitute  circumstances  ;  and  may  we  not  fairly  infer 
that  many  of  these  better  citizens  had  but  recently  arrived  from  their  far-off 
homes  across  the  water,  and  were  thus,  soon  after  their  arrival,  introduced 
into  the  full  enjoyment  of  the  rights  of  freemen . 

Mr.  Chairman,  in  looking  over  a  file  of  the  London  Times,  of  Septem- 
ber last,  I  find  that  the  leading  journal  of  England  devotes  a  column  or 
two  to  abuse  of  our  Government  and  people ,  but  more  especially  directed 
against  the  Native  American  party.  I  will  read  one  or  two  of  the  conclud- 
ing paragraphs : 

*' Brother  Jonathan,  however,,  knows  what  he  is  about,  and  is  too  wise, 
zee  apprehend,  to  fix  the  young  Republic  in  a  narrow  nationality.    Where 


-^^ 


le  city  of 
e  State  of 
ontrol  the 
Lhat  State 
sion,  that 
il  victory, 
stounding 
ct  directly 
:  to  which 
moments 


up. 


I  was 


iswered — 
ill  the  at- 

r.  RiELL.) 

1  persons, 
n  because 
ears,  from 
3  of  natu- 
;h  individ- 
me.  Far 
)es  never- 
been  resi- 
l  yet  be  so 
•  to  enable 
it  certainly 
the  lative 
1  arrive  up- 
fairly  infer 
heir  far-off 
introduced 

if  Septem- 
column  or 
iy  directed 
e  conclud- 

9  too  toise, 
y.    Where 


I  will  the  free  States  get  their  '  ^  helps y'^  but  from  the  outpourings  of  Irish 
''  misery  9  How  luill  he  get  up  the  steam  against  the  Britishers,  hut  with 
the  ueicborTi  Irish  citizens  9  How  will  he  return  a  POLK?  How  unll 
i Jlc  decide  on  annexation,  but  with  these  Democratic  materials')  How 
vjill  he  people  Missouri  and  Arkansas — how  Oregon  and  California  9 
How  ivill  he  hang  UH  a  cloud  over  Mexico,  without  the  continued  addi- 
tion of  these  vast  foit  ign  swartns  9  Hoia,  on  an  emergency ,  tvill  he  man 
hisjlcets  and  recruit  his  armies  9    How  keep  down  the   continual  = 

AND    FEARFUL    AMBITION     OF    LABOR,     AND     ITS    INCREASING     DEMANDS 
AGAINST  PROPERTY  ?" 

The  enemies  of  the  Native  American  party  are  welcome  to  the  support 
of  their  new  and  powerful  ally,  the  great  leading  Tory  paper  of  England.- 
But,  sir,  I  repeat  the  emphatic  interrogatory,  ^^How  keep  down  the  contin-' 
ual  and  fearful  ambition  of  labor ,  and  its  increasing  demands  against 
property  ?"     Sir,  honest  labor  is  not  over-ambitious,  nor  is  it  fearful  in  its 
character  or  exacting  in  its  demands.     I  am  no  friend  of  radicalism — no 
exciter  of  hostile  feelings  between  different  classes  and  pursuits  ;  but  there 
is  a  startling  truth  in  the  question  propounded.     It  is  greatly  to  be  feared 
that  the  labor  of  our  native  citizen?  will  not  meet  its  just  reward,  so  long 
as  we  give  equal,  ay,  greater  encouragement  to  the  '^  vast  fcreign  swarms'* ' 
of  which  the  Times  in  its  article  speaks.     Who  wants  cheap  labor?    I 
answer,  the  General  Government,  when  it  requires  sailors  and  soldiers  yes,' 
when  it  wishes  to  raise  regiments  of  mounted  riflemen  ;  the  State,  when  it 
wishes  to  build  canals  and  railroads.     Chartered  companies  wish  it  when 
they  construct  their  works  ;  the  American  laborer  certainly  does  not  wish 
it.     The  native  born  American  mechanic  and  laborer  feel  already  this 
fearful  competition  which  now  meets  them  at  every  turn,  and  which  may, 
ere  long,  reduce  them  to  the  condition  of  their  European  competitors. 

It  is  a  melancholy  picture  to  contemplate,  but  it  is  a  true  one.     The 
American  mechanic,  who  has  passed  his  lon^  years  of  apprenticeship  in  ac- 
quiring his  trade — who  has  been  taught  to  consider  that  a  competency 
would  reward  his  skill  and  his  industry — who  has  been  accustomed  to 
y^^ clothe  well  his  family  and  to  educate  his  children,  and  generally  to  contri- 
Mbute  his  share  to  the  advancement  and  support  of  society — is  now  finding 
m>y  sad  experience,  in  many  of  the  large  cities  especially,  that  his  hopes  and 
%is  prospects  are  darkening  under  the  influence  of  cheap  foreign  labor.     It 
certainly  would  seem  but  just  lhat  some  legislation  should  be  had  which 
|8hould  impose  equal  burthens  upor  tlie  alien  mechanics  and  laborers,  or 


II- 


14 


e  t 


which  should  afford  equal  exemption  to  the  American  born.  At  all  events, 
the  balance  of  political  power  should  no  longer  be  in  the  hands  of  those 
who  thus  force  the  American  laborer  into  this  competition,  and  who,  by 
holding  this  power,  demand  of  dominant  parties  most  of  the  subordinate 
offices  of  profit.  It  is  needless  to  speak  of  the  radical  influences  which  the 
power  of  the  foreign  vote  has  introduced.  Those  who  dream  on  in  peace, 
fearing  nothing,  will  yet  vkrake  up  to  the  reality  of  danger  when  it  will  be 
difHcult  to  avert  it. 

I  ttppeal  to  every  upright  native  born  citizen  to  aid  in  averting  the  evils 
which  I  have  only  briefly  alluded  to  in  the  foregoing  remarks.  I  appeal 
to  that  great  class  of  adopted  citizens,  who,  from  long  residence,  from  edu- 
cation, from  association  and  habit,  have  become  strongly  identified  with 
us,  to  aid  in  the  great  work. 

The  Native  American  organization  seeks  to  protect  the  rights  of  property, 
and  to  perpetuate  our  free  institutions,  by  guarding  and  preserving  the  pu- 
rity of  the  ballot  box.  It  seeks  to  elevate  the  character  and  reward  the 
skill,  and  the  industry, and  enterprise,  of  the  American  laborer,  in  all 
branches  of  business,  by  freeing  him,  as  far  as  possible,  from  the  ruinous 
competition  of  the  pauper  labor  of  Europe.  It  is  an  organization  which  is 
at  the  same  time  conservative  and  democratic  ;  and  more,  and  most  of  all, 
it  is  American y  holding'  as  a  leading  idea  that  Americans  should  rule  Ame- 
rica. 


I 


i 


ill  events, 
of  those 
I  who,  by 
ibordinate 
ivhich  the 
in  peace, 
it  will  be 

l  the  evils 

I  appeal 

from  edij- 

ified  with 

'  property , 
ig  the  pu- 
avvard  the 
:er,  in  all 
tie  ruinous 
a  which  is 
lost  of  all , 
rule  Arae- 


't. 


